RUSSIA’S FALIN–KVITSINSKY ENERGY DOCTRINE: HISTORY AND EXPERIENCE APPLYING TO SELECTED CENTRAL EUROPEAN COUNTRIES

This article discusses the evolution of the energy security of Belarus, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine since the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), in terms of natural gas supplies. Instead of framing energy dependencies on Russia in a descriptive way, this article shows the empirical validation of the Falin–Kvitsinsky doctrine, which includes the use of energy resources as tool in foreign policy. Therefore, the authors propose a three-element Falin–Kvitsinsky doctrine indicator to measure the power of this doctrine using the yearly data for 1991–2021. Authors argue that the impact of this doctrine should be assessed through the lens of energy supply security and then measured by appropriate indicators. This approach might be seen as opposite to the mainstream publications which are mostly descriptive in this field. In the article, the authors provided clear evidence of the Falin–Kvitsinsky doctrine existence until the end of 2021, which was applied during the Russian-Ukrainian war. Actions taken by Russia over the years were aimed at making Central European countries dependent on natural gas supply, which would then prompt these countries to limit their aid to Ukraine during the conflict that began in 2022. In conclusion, Russia is able to pursue its political goals in the manner suggested by the Falin–Kvitsinsky doctrine as long as each Central European country tries to ensure its own energy security. However, the Falin-Kvitsky doctrine did not fully meet its objectives, as Central European countries, as a result of the Russian-Ukrainian war, were able to quickly take steps to diversify the sources and directions of natural gas supplies by taking comprehensive measures and strengthening cooperation

Polityka bezpieczeństwa energetycznego Japonii

The article performs an analysis of current energy security policy of Japan and points to a geopolitical implications of this policy. At the same time paper presents current energy situation of Japan, emphasizing the importance of oil in the balance of energy in history and the present situation. The paper presents international activity of Japan in the area of the energy security policy, which main objective is to decrease of oil import from the Middle East. Paper discusses co-operation between Japan and the countries from the Persian Gulf, Caspian Sea and the Russian Federation as well as perspectives for changing the disadvantageous structure of import of oil

Projekt rurociągu Odessa-Brody-Płock jako element zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa energetycznego Polski w myśli politycznej wybranych polskich partii politycznych w latach 2005-2015

The construction of a more diversified crude oil supplies structure to Poland has been an important element influencing the Polish energy policy for years. Many political parties have raised the legitimacy of diversifying the sources and directions of supply of this commodity, and one of the most important projects in this area was the construction of a pipeline connecting the Polish and Ukrainian crude oil systems. Ultimately, the crude oil was to be imported from the Caspian Sea region. The article aims to analyse the political thought of Law and Justice, Civic Platform, and the Polish People’s Party regarding the construction of the Odessa–Brody–Płock pipeline to Poland. The considerations in the article make it possible to highlight the main arguments formulated by politicians of these political parties on the problems of supplying energy resources to Poland. The starting point of the analysis is the thesis that, in the opinion of Polish political parties, cooperation with the Caspian Sea countries was a key component of the efforts to diversify the sources and directions of crude oil supplies to domestic refineries.Budowa bardziej zróżnicowanej struktury dostaw ropy naftowej do Polski przez lata była ważnym elementem wpływającym na realizowaną politykę energetyczną. Wiele ugrupowań politycznych podnosiło zasadność dywersyfikacji źródeł oraz kierunków dostaw tego surowca, a jednym z najważniejszych w tym obszarze projektów była budowa rurociągu łączącego polski i ukraiński system naftowy. Docelowo surowiec miał być sprowadzany z regionu Morza Kaspijskiego. Celem artykułu była analiza myśli politycznej Prawa i Sprawiedliwości, Platformy Obywatelskiej oraz Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego w zakresie budowy rurociągu Odessa-Brody-Płock do Polski. Rozważania zawarte w artykule pozwalają wskazać na główne argumenty formułowane przez polityków tych partii politycznych na temat problemów dostaw surowców energetycznych do Polski. Punktem wyjścia analiz była teza, że w ocenie polskich partii politycznych kooperacja z państwami Morza Kaspijskiego była kluczowym komponentem działań na rzecz dywersyfikacji źródeł oraz kierunków dostaw ropy naftowej do krajowych rafinerii. Słowa kluczowe: myśl polityczna, rurociąg Odessa-Brody-Płock, bezpieczeństwo energetyczne, partie polityczn

Katarzyna Kosowska, Rosyjski sektor naftowy wobec nowych wyzwań na rynku krajowym i zagranicznym, Wydawnictwo Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków 2016, ss. 194.

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Problematyka bezpieczeństwa energetycznego w kampanii wyborczej Bronisława Komorowskiego i Andrzeja Dudy na urząd prezydenta Polski w 2015 roku

The article analyzes the concepts formulated by the two main candidates for the office of the President of Poland in 2015. The aim of the article was therefore to analyze the ideas of Bronisław Komorowski and Andrzej Duda in the field of energy security and to identify potential points of convergence of the formulated political concepts. The views of both candidates differed significantly, which resulted from a different vision presented by the two main political groups in Poland – Civic Platform and Law and Justice, which supported these candidates.W artykule zostały przeanalizowane koncepcje formułowane przez dwóch głównych kandydatów na urząd prezydenta Polski w 2015 roku. Celem artykułu była zatem analiza pomysłów Bronisława Komorowskiego i Andrzeja Dudy w zakresie zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa energetycznego państwa oraz określenie potencjalnych punktów zbieżnych formułowanych koncepcji politycznych. Poglądy obu kandydatów różniły się znacząco, co wynikało z odmiennej wizji prezentowanej przez dwa główne ugrupowania polityczne w Polsce – Platformę Obywatelską oraz Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, które popierały tych kandydatów

Polish-Norwegian cooperation in the field of energy security in the political thought of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS) and Platforma Obywatelska (PO)

The large share of natural gas supplies that are sent to Poland from the Russian Federation has been heavily criticised by many Polish political parties. Politicians from several political groups have emphasised the need to diversify the sources and directions of this commodity. In this respect, cooperation with Norway was to play a key role in ensuring the implementation of this scheme. The goal of this article is to analyse the political thought of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS, the Law and Justice) and Platforma Obywatelska (PO, the Civic Platform) parties in the construction of the Baltic Pipe gas pipeline. The main research paradigm applied in the text is the analysis of testimonies and traces of political thought. Taking up the topic is important due to an overall lack of studies that show original findings of the standpoint of various political parties in Poland on the idea of building this specific type of energy infrastructure

Koncepcje dywersyfikacji źródeł i kierunków dostaw ropy naftowej do Polski w myśli politycznej Sojuszu Lewicy Demokratycznej w latach 2001–2005

The construction of a more diversified crude oil supplies structure to domestic refineries was treated differently by individual political parties in Poland. For the Democratic Left Alliance, a key element contributing to energy security was the need to ensure a constant supply of this commodity at the lowest possible price, and not to diversify the sources and directions of crude oil supplies. Therefore, the SLD government held talks on regulating the transit position of Poland (an initiative of the Russian side), but at the same time raised the need to build the Odessa-Brody-Plock pipeline. The aim of the article was to analyze the political thought of the Democratic Left Alliance in terms of ensuring alternative sources and directions of oil supplies to the Russian Federation, and to identify the potential consequences of the views and decisions made. The main assumption was that in the SLD concept, supplies from the Russian Federation played the most important role, but cooperation with other oil exporters created an opportunity to build a more diversified structure of import this commodity to Poland. Taking up the topic was important due to the lack of studies in which we can find the results of original studies on the position of political parties in the context of building a diversified structure of crude oil supplies, as well as the construction of the Odessa-Brody-Plock pipeline.Budowa bardziej zróżnicowanej struktury dostaw ropy naftowej do krajowych rafinerii była w odmienny sposób traktowana przez poszczególne partie polityczne w P olsce. Dla Sojuszu Lewicy Demokratycznej kluczowym elementem służącym bezpieczeństwu energetycznemu była potrzeba zapewnienia stałych, po jak najniższej cenie, dostaw surowca, a nie dywersyfikacji źródeł i kierunków importu tego surowca. Dlatego też rząd SLD prowadził rozmowy w sprawie uregulowania tranzytowego położenia Polski (inicjatywa strony rosyjskiej), ale jednocześnie podnosił potrzebę budowy rurociągu Odessa–Brody–Płock. Celem artykułu była analiza myśli politycznej Sojuszu Lewicy Demokratycznej w zakresie zapewnienia alternatywnych, w stosunku do Federacji Rosyjskiej, źródeł i kierunków dostaw ropy naftowej oraz określenie potencjalnych konsekwencji formułowanych poglądów i podejmowanych decyzji. Zasadniczym założeniem było twierdzenie, iż w koncepcji SLD dostawy z Federacji Rosyjskiej odgrywały najważniejszą rolę, ale współpraca z innymi eksporterami ropy naftowej stwarzała szansę na budowę bardziej zróżnicowanej struktury importu tego surowca do Polski. Podjęcie badanego tematu było istotne, z uwagi na brak opracowań, w których można znaleźć efekty autorskich studiów dotyczących stanowiska partii politycznych w kontekście budowy zróżnicowanej struktury dostaw ropy naftowej, a także budowy rurociągu Odessa–Brody–Płock

Depositional setting of the Devonian/Carboniferous biohermal Bol’shaya Nadota Carbonate Complex, Subpolar Urals

Multi-stage development of carbonate buildups has been recognised in the Bol’shaya Nadota Carbonate Complex, in the vicinity of the town of Inta (Subpolar Urals). The growth of typical stromatoporoid-coral bioherms, characteristic of the Middle-Late Devonian stage, was terminated by the appearance of the shallow water oolitic facies, most probably at the beginning of the Famennian. During the Viséan stage the carbonate platform was reconstructed, but algalbrachiopod- coral bioherms were characterized by relatively small dimensions and an interfingering with organodetrital- oolitic facies. Sporadically, the inter-mound facies is represented by goniatite-bivalve coquinas with two new goniatite species: Goniatites olysya sp.nov. and Lusitanoceras kusinae sp.nov. The persistence of biohermal sedimentation in the Bol’shaya Nadota area is most probably caused by the specific position of the region on the boundary of two sedimentary-structural units: Lemva and Elets Zones, which corresponded to a basinal and a tectonically-active elevated part of a platform margin respectively. The overall biotic composition of the Carboniferous bioherms from Bol’shaya Nadota, situated in the northern periphery of Laurussia, falls generally within the diversity spectrum of Lower Carboniferous mounds described from the southern margin of the continent

In-channel accretionary macroforms in the modern anastomosing system of the upper Narew River, NE Poland

Predomination of sandy bedload is typical of the anastomosing channels of the Narew River. Several types of in-channel accretionary macroforms have been found in these channels: side bars, concave-bank bars, plug bars, point bars, linguoid bars, and mid-channel bars. The first three types are relatively rare, point bars occur only exceptionally, while linguoid bars and mid-channel bars are quite common. The bars usually occur in main channels, which are the master routes of sand transport in the whole anastomosing system of the Narew. The lower parts of the bars are built of coarse- and medium-grained sand, similarly to the sediments in the deeper parts of the channels. Fine-grained sand, locally alternating with organic-rich muddy sand, predominates usually in the upper parts; peat with high content of sand is present in the highest parts of some bars. All bars are rapidly colonised and stabilised by plants. It is for this reason and due to the low energy of the river that the bar sediments have a high preservation potential. The development of bars is usually not accompanied by lateral migration of channels. Consequently, sediment accretion in bars is one of the factors leading to gradual narrowing of channels. Deposits of some sand-bars, when preserved in fossil record, may probably be represented by characteristic "wings" in the outer parts of ribbon-like sand bodies